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hrt svijet profitable investing

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The ambassadors, said Inzko in the report, also responded to a declaration adopted by the Croat People's Assembly which rejected the war crime verdicts of The Hague-based international court. It is necessary to avoid these negative trends, stressed the High Representative presenting the report. The international community remains committed to the territorial integrity and structure of this country. Commenting on the absence of Kosovo President Hashim Thaci in the event , Zvizdic said he was not familiar with the reasons why the Pristina official has not arrived in Sarajevo.

As for Aleksandar Vucic, the President of Serbia, Zvizdic explained it was the initial plan to have all heads of states in the meeting but later on it changed to a summit of prime ministers. The foreigners were detained in the Immigration Centre until their extradition. Three foreigners originating from Algeria were subjected to expulsion measures and detained until their deportation.

Two days earlier, the same authority issued a measure of expelling an illegal Palestinian national, who was detained in the Immigration Centre as well. Four more foreigners, two Algerians and two Libyans, were detained in the westernmost Bosnian region, the Una-Sana Canton, for unauthorised entry on private property. Tags Share: Source: Reuters Measles outbreaks will continue to spread in Europe without a robust response, the World Health Organization WHO warned as it urged countries in the region to vaccinate vulnerable populations.

There were 34, cases recorded in the region in the first two months of , according to a WHO update — triple the 11, cases in the same period last year. A total of 13 measles-related deaths were reported in Albania, Romania and Ukraine. There is no specific treatment for measles, which can cause death, deafness and brain damage, but two doses of a vaccine make people immune.

The highly contagious viral disease has made something of a comeback across the globe — in high-income countries in the Americas and Europe as well as in low and middle-income countries in Asia and Africa — fueled in part by fear of and lack of access to vaccines, and complacency. Ukraine is experiencing the worst outbreak in Europe, with more than 25, cases recorded in the first two months of The figures are based on data received up to 28 March and could be subject to change if other cases exist that hadn't been reported by that date.

Measles cases have been increasing in Europe in recent years, reaching 83, in , with 74 related deaths. This compares to 25, cases and 42 deaths in , and 5, cases and 13 deaths in The research team also developed a set of five tags to categorize themes and biases relevant to instances of antisemitic rhetoric written or spoken and three supplemental rhetoric tags: one tag to annotate physical incidents and two tags to annotate incidents related to property.

Online media-monitoring results from all seven countries were stored and analyzed in an online dashboard. In total, researchers examined 9, relevant search results. Using tags, researchers divided media pieces into three categories: media pieces containing antisemitic language; media pieces presenting news or views on antisemitism in the Western Balkans and beyond; and media pieces contributing to general discussion and news coverage related to the Jewish community worldwide including the state of Israel.

Out of 9, relevant search results, contained implicit forms of antisemitism, and mentions contain explicit antisemitic statements. A total of 4, mentions presented news or views on antisemitism in the Western Balkans and beyond, while 5, contributed to general discussion and news coverage related to the Jewish community worldwide. Tags associated with antisemitic incidents Antisemitic Bias Tags A-Explicit: Statements that contain explicit, straightforward, antisemitic rhetoric such as specific swearwords and stereotypes.

A-Implicit: More complex expressions of antisemitism hidden in the context, such as conspiracy theories. Rhetoric Tags Violence: Calling for, aiding, or justifying the killing or harming of Jews in the name of a radical ideology or an extremist view of religion. This tag is used in situations where extreme rhetoric is used in relation to or in support of violent attacks, regardless of whether those violent attacks have yet occurred. False: Making an untrue statement or spreading disinformation about Jews or Jewish institutions.

These antisemitic attacks include instances of slander or libel made toward a Jewish figure or institution, but also slander or libel toward a non-Jew if it is based on a premise that involves Judaism or Jews. Examples of how these statements may appear include, but are not limited to, statements that take away credibility from a Jewish figure, malicious rumors, etc. Conspiracy: Making mendacious, dehumanizing, demonizing, or stereotypical allegations about Jews or the power of Jews as a collective — especially, but not exclusively, the myths of a world Jewish conspiracy or of Jews controlling the media, economy, government, or other societal institutions.

Accusation: Scapegoat rhetoric accusing Jews as a people of being responsible for real or imagined wrongdoing committed by a single Jewish person or group, or even for acts committed by non-Jews. Denial: Denying the fact, scope, mechanisms e. Symbols: Using the symbols and images associated with classic antisemitism e. While this tag may apply to antisemitic attacks that involve literal symbols such as vandalism of a synagogue with Nazi symbols , it may also apply to instances of character tropes, comparisons made between someone and a Jewish biblical character, antisemitic references, or comparisons to historical Jewish figures or historical events involving Jews.

Supplemental Rhetoric Tags AS—Public Figure: Antisemitic instances involved in speech or writing from a public figure or prominent institution or company. For example, a politician who makes a speech that accuses a Jewish population of accelerating the spread of a disease may be tagged with Accusation and AS-Public Figure.

AS—Virtual Forum: Antisemitic speech or writing that exists and was developed on virtual forums such as those on Facebook, Twitter, or other online communities. This tag is used when an article, discussion, or comment cites a virtual forum as the source or motivation for its antisemitic attack.

For example, a discussion thread propagating antisemitic conspiracy theories would be tagged with Conspiracy and AS-Virtual Forum. AS—Israel: In instances where an attack on Israel, Israelis, or Israeli history is also antisemitic, this supplemental tag will be used.

Because statements made regarding Israel are not inherently antisemitic, this tag will only be used in instances of anti-Zionist and antisemitic attacks. Property Tag IND—Property: There are two main categories: First, any case in which an antisemitic slogan or symbol is used to damage or vandalize individual property, regardless of whether the property concerned is affiliated with a Jewish individual. INST-Property: There are two main categories: First, any case in which an antisemitic slogan or symbol is used to damage and vandalize institutional property, regardless of whether the property concerned is affiliated with a Jewish community or is a Jewish institution.

The public library has no direct affiliation with a Jewish community but perhaps was chosen because a large number of people visit its website. Second, an action or expression of hostility manifested in the selection of a target, such as a Jewish school or synagogue.

Example: Someone smashes the windows of a store that sells only items used for studying or practicing Judaism. Jews and Western Balkans Societies The Western Balkans is a political neologism coined in the s to refer to the territory of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, namely its former republics Croatia, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia and the former autonomous province of Kosovo.

The former Yugoslav republic of Slovenia is excluded, but Albania is added as the term broadly reflects the common aspirations and shared perspectives of these seven states to join the European Union. Jewish Settlement in the Western Balkans Jews inhabited the Balkans through successive waves of settlement.

The Ottomans welcomed them as artisans and traders to boost their economy and practiced a particular kind of limited toleration of Jews and majority Christian population as the so-called peoples of the book. Over subsequent centuries, the Sephardim integrated and shared in the urban fabric of Ottoman society and culture while still retaining their distinct faith and language Ladino or Judeo-Spanish.

The biggest influx occurred after the so-called Anschluss or the Agreement of , which cemented the Empire as a complex state called Austria-Hungary. Some of the early Ashkenazi settlers engaged in lumber or agricultural production and trade from the lands of the local, often foreign nobility, thus sharing in the negative perception of the exploited peasant population.

A similar scenario unfolded in Bosnia and Herzegovina after it was occupied by Austria-Hungary in , when thousands of Ashkenazim moved in to find jobs in imperial administration or new business opportunities. They too encountered a different reaction from the local ethnic populations compared to that enjoyed by local Sephardi communities, a distinction which continued well into the interwar period, when the Ashkenazim were still sometimes negatively viewed in comparison to the well-integrated Sephardim.

After Serbia gained independence from the Ottoman Empire in , the local Sephardi Jews were legally emancipated and integrated well into the small urban part of Serbian society. During the same period, most descendants of Ashkenazi settlers in Croatia similarly assimilated linguistically and economically and integrated into Croatian society, with the Zagreb community eventually becoming the largest Jewish community of the newly created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, or Yugoslavia, in The Sephardim of the other territories, which remained under Ottoman rule until , were generally poorer and less integrated than their Sephardic brethren in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The Jews who lived in the territories comprising present day Albania, Kosovo and Northern Macedonia spoke almost exclusively Ladino and gravitated, both culturally and economically, to by then Greek Thessaloniki. Therefore, the establishment of the first independent state structures in Albania was less accompanied by negative views of Jews as proteges of Muslims as in Thessaloniki and some other parts of the Balkans, which were longer under the Ottomans.

In the former areas of southern Hungary now the northern Vojvodina province of Serbia , Jews spoke Hungarian and often completely assimilated into the Hungarian nation, except for the few Orthodox Jewish communities. In terms of religious practice, most Yugoslav Ashkenazim were Neologs 19 , whereas most of the Sephardim throughout the Western Balkans were pre-Reform Jews.

Throughout the interwar period, Jews were transforming into a more self-aware minority that kept their own religious, as well as social and political, representation, while also accepting the national identity of the majority society through acculturation and language integration.

Time and again the Jewish leadership expressed their loyalty to the king and Yugoslavia, praising them for the relative absence of antisemitism. This union was also responsible for electing the Great Rabbi, who enjoyed the same rights and honors as all other chiefs of religious communities. There was even speculation that Yugoslavia, like fascist Italy, was interested in the mandate for Palestine based on its exceptionally good rapport with its Jewish citizens and its support for the Zionist project and Balfour Declaration.

According to the last pre-war census conducted in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the region comprised over half a million ethnic Germans and only 68, Jews 39, Ashkenazim, 26,, Sephardim, and 3, Orthodox in six smaller Hungarian speaking communities in the north. In terms of languages used, occupations, wealth, integration and political views, the Yugoslav Jewry reflected, if not superseded, Yugoslav diversity. The largest communities were in Zagreb 10, , Belgrade 10, and Sarajevo 9, , representing 6.

In terms of socio-economic structure, most Jews were middle class, with few rich individuals. Some destitute Jewish communities existed, especially in southern region of Macedonia. They held a variety of occupations, with almost 40 percent employed as merchants, 25 percent as state employees, around 13 percent as artisans and 8 percent as belonging to liberal, educated professions.

Jews were especially well-represented among lawyers and doctors. Interwar Yugoslav Jews with different traditions, languages and customs, could hardly develop a common Zionist ground. The degree and type of participation of Yugoslav Jews in the Zionist movement differed from region to region. The Sephardim of Bitola Ottoman Monastir in modern-day North Macedonia and some in Kosovo fell in deep poverty once separated from their metropolis of Thessaloniki and were most likely to emigrate, be it to Palestine or elsewhere, but not very active in the Movement.

On the other hand, the Ashkenazim of Croatia, and especially Zagreb, were the most active Zionists, but less likely to go to Palestine. Despite activities for the preparation of the halutzim, the pioneers who would eventually emigrate to Palestine, the mostly silent majority of Jews in Yugoslavia, even the young Zionists well until the late s, had no such ambition.

Jews were legally emancipated and Yugoslav authorities did, more often than not, intervene in their favor. Instead of Aliyah, most Jews, especially among the Sephardim, argued for much stronger integration within Yugoslav society. It was only in the s that the Yugoslav Jewry finally became united and members of both Ashkenazi and Sephardi communities frequently began intermarrying, mostly due to antisemitic hysteria spreading from Germany and causing the massive flight of Central European Jews to and via Yugoslavia and later Albania.

By the beginning of the war, the number of Jews swelled close to one thousand, due to a number of German and Austrian Jews taking refuge in Albania. Antisemitism and the Holocaust in the Western Balkans Compared to other European countries, antisemitism in the Balkans was considered to be rather marginal. An early sign of antisemitism in Yugoslavia may have emerged in response to the mass migration of Polish Jews in the mids.

The arrival of thousands of Jewish refugees from revived the issue with many reactions, mainstreaming antisemitism in the public. Nevertheless, until Yugoslavia overall remained exceptionally welcoming to Jewish refugees. Even after restrictions were imposed in , the Yugoslav borders remained porous. In addition to general antisemitic tropes, the Kulturbund clearly identified Jews with the Yugoslav regime and its ruling ideology.

The government passed decrees about internment and prohibited the movement of refugees. For those interned under these measures, the Jewish community accepted the responsibility for establishing and managing its own centers to avoid anything resembling concentration camps. Yet nothing prepared the state or the Jewish community for the emergency that became known as the so-called Kladovo transport, which saw over 1, mostly Austrian Jews forced to live on three boats on the Danube. There was a limit set on the number of Jews enrolled in secondary schools and universities and Jews were excluded from wholesale trading in food items.

As such, there was little application of these laws before Yugoslavia was invaded. A vast majority of Jews remained in the country, refusing to believe that a fate similar to the Jews of Germany and other countries could ever befall them. After the invasion and partition of Yugoslavia in April , Germany established a military occupation in Serbia and later installed a puppet Serb civil administration.

During the late summer and autumn of in order to quell an uprising, German military and police units shot male Jews from Serbia and Banat approximately 8, people in addition to thousands of Serbs and Roma. By the summer of , no Jews remained alive in Serbia, unless they had joined the Partisans or were in hiding.

In addition, from Croatian authorities transferred about 7, Jews into German custody, who then deported them to Auschwitz-Birkenau. Elsewhere, in January , Hungarian military units shot over 3, people 2, Serbs and Jews in Novi Sad, ostensibly in retaliation for an act of sabotage. Hungary, however, refused to deport Jews from the Yugoslav areas it annexed.

After the Germans occupied Hungary in March , Hungarian authorities deported at least 16, Yugoslav Jews to AuschwitzBirkenau, where the majority died in the gas chambers. In March , Bulgarian military and police officials arrested and deported the entire Jewish population of Yugoslav Macedonia and Pirot, which was annexed by Bulgaria. More than 7, people were sent to the Treblinka concentration camp, with virtually none surviving. A small faction of Bosnian Muslim nationalists also joined the Axis forces.

Many Jews in Yugoslavia joined the antifascist resistance, the Communist-led Partisans, which was also promoting equality among different Yugoslav peoples. Of the 4, Jews who joined the Partisans, 2, served in combat units, where lost their lives. Out of 1, who served as civilians, mostly as medical staff, died.

These ethnic massacres and brutal conflicts during and in the aftermath of World War II characterized the civil war taking place in Yugoslavia in parallel to anti-fascist resistance, which altogether left many scars in the memory of the people. Thereafter, most Jews fled to Italy proper or were rescued by the Yugoslav Partisans, where a majority survived.

In Albania and Kosovo under Italian occupation, Jews were interned but essentially protected. Hundreds of Yugoslav and Greek Jews survived by escaping to Albania, which as an Italian protectorate also included territories of Kosovo and Western Macedonia. Albanians, regardless of their Christian or Muslim backgrounds, continued to hide and protect mostly Jewish refugees for another year after the occupation of Albania by Nazi forces following the capitulation of Italy.

In Albania, saving Jews can be attributed to patriarchal principles of honor and morality, rather than to decisive antifascist or anti-German positions. Even some collaborators with Nazis saved the Jews. Before the Holocaust, a vibrant Jewish life existed only in larger cities such as Thessaloniki, Zagreb, Belgrade and Sarajevo, though there were also smaller towns with substantial Jewish populations, like Skopje and Bitola in the south or Osijek, Subotica and Novi Sad to the north.

Remarkably, over the centuries Jews in the Balkans faced relatively less discrimination and antisemitism compared to other parts of Europe. All of this changed during World War II, when the vast majority of Jews in the Western Balkans fell victim to the Nazi policy of extermination perpetrated by German occupation forces and aided by a range of Serbian, Bulgarian, Hungarian and Kosovo-Albanian collaborators.

Nevertheless, there is little evidence of pogroms or deliberate anti-Jewish violence in the Balkans based on local Christian and Muslim hatred against Jews or deeply ingrained antisemitism. After the war and the creation of the state of Israel, more than half of the approximately 15, Yugoslav Jewish survivors and almost the entire Jewish population of Albania emigrated in several waves.

From building communal infrastructure to dedicating monuments to Jewish victims of the Holocaust, the leaders of the Federation of Jewish Communities pushed through a rebuilding agenda that was a part of a wider Yugoslav narrative, and one that defined Jewishness as an identity firmly rooted in the new Yugoslav political project.

In Albania, communists strongly promoted Marxist ideology and tried to extinguish all religious practices. Beginning in the early s, the region was engulfed by turmoil, first in the form of an economic crisis and then systemic legitimacy struggles, which accompanied inter-ethnic hostilities in Kosovo and then throughout the former Yugoslavia. The strife resulted in the dissolution of Yugoslavia and armed conflicts in Croatia and then again in , Bosnia and Herzegovina , and Kosovo , with shorter conflicts ensuing in North Macedonia.

Most of them chose to immigrate to Israel and the United States. Albania also saw outbursts of violence in its troubled transition throughout the s and the few remaining Jews left. While this research does not cover the conflicts of the s, the issue of antisemitism nevertheless came to the fore by the nationalist politics generated or tolerated by the ruling regimes in all Western Balkan societies during this period.

Others, like the Yugoslav secret services, allegedly attacked Jewish property in Zagreb in order to foment unrest in Croatia. These local comparisons were contingent and interlocked with misuses of the Jewish trope in the global media space dominated by the U.

The local outbursts of philosemitism, however often laid the groundwork, easily merged or replaced with antisemitic conspiracy theories. In a region relatively devoid of homegrown antisemitism, hatred against Jews has often been imported during the last three decades.

At the same time, all countries covered by this research established diplomatic and other relations with Israel. Most have taken steps towards restitution of Jewish property that was nationalized in s. Actions, some controversial, were taken to research and commemorate the Holocaust, such as the Memorial Centre for the Jews of Macedonia in Skopje.

In states that emerged out of the former Yugoslavia, small Jewish communities are persisting in Belgrade, Zagreb, and Sarajevo, among others. Albania Albania does not have a significant Jewish presence; at the time of this writing, it is estimated that approximately 40 to 50 Jews live in Albania. Jewish heritage, history, and connections with Albania are memorialized in various forms, such as museums, memorials, conferences, publications, documentaries, and public events.

Albania prides itself on being a country free of antisemitic sentiment and discrimination against Jews. Generally, the legal framework dealing with racism in Albania is in line with European and international standards. The legislation states that race-based discrimination is unlawful but has no specific reference to antisemitism. Still, countering antisemitism and hate-speech awareness-raising campaigns have become more frequent, mainly initiated by civil society organizations with international donor support.

Moreover, many political representatives often link this narrative with the narrative about excellent state relations between Albania and Israel to suggest that good bilateral relations serve as evidence of a minimal presence of antisemitism in Albania.

Albanian media generally reflect narratives of historic friendships between Albanians and Jews and excellent bilateral relations between them with its selection of news coverage. Consequently, media coverage not only in this media monitoring pays significant attention to mutual state visits, the commemoration of the Holocaust and the protection of Jews in Albania during World War II, Israeli investments in Albania in various sectors, and the history of Jews overall.

In some cases, the media refers to occurrences of antisemitism abroad, most often related to Holocaust remembrance. However, some new fringe online media and social media accounts of particular individuals and public figures produce antisemitic narratives.

These have not become mainstream and remain marginal to the overall public discourse and agenda-setting. The link between the conspiracy narrative and hate speech against George Soros, and allegations about Jews and their power as a collective is not always self-evident. AntiSoros rhetoric exacerbates the antagonism between left and right political actors in Albania, their allies, and their supporters.

It also aggravates the existing vulnerability of average citizens to disinformation and conspiracy theories. Moreover, several studies described later in this report point to a resurgence of radical Islamic groups and an emergence of informal extremist groups. The radicalization of youth by fundamentalist religious groups and violent extremists has become a cause for concern in Albania. This could create a breeding ground for antisemitism, which has not historically and culturally been part of Albanian society but could now be imported from abroad, particularly in the online media landscape.

Historical Overview While there is a long history of Jewish settlement in Albania, their numerical presence was rather marginal. Almost all of them survived, thanks to Italian occupation authorities until and the Albanian collaborationist authorities and common Albanians thereafter. The Albanian government protected Jews by providing them with identity documents and not handing them over Nazi German occupiers.

There are various interpretations of this rescue. Some survivors claimed that antisemitism was simply non-existent, as many Albanians did not know anything about Jews and rescued them as they would rescue any vulnerable human being. In a traditional society, solidarity and care for those in danger are simply customary. Others interpreted it as a particular feature of Albanian patriarchal society regulated by the custom law, known as Kanun. The Kanun protects the guests, and this protection is extended to Jews.

A promise made to uphold the Kanun is a so-called besa. So, whoever is offered a besa is entitled to protection. Jewish population in Albania from — Since then, the rescue has been commemorated in Albania, and a very friendly relationship established between Albania and Israel.

Kanun refers to a set of customary oral laws developed over centuries. It states that the household belongs to God and the guests. Besa is the Albanian sworn oath to keep a promise at any cost. A synagogue was opened in Tirana in , where a Holocaust memorial was also unveiled in July to honor the victims and the Albanians who protected Jews from the Nazis. The history of Jews in Albania is preserved in cultural institutions, such as the Solomon Museum in Berat, which opened in and features photos and stories of Jewish history in Albania from the past years.

The National Museum in Tirana features an exhibit on Jewish history as well. The historical ties between Jews and Albanians and the good relations between Albania and Israel can also be noted in the fact that Albania is producing historical studies and other cultural products like documentaries and museums about the Holocaust and the Jewish experience in Albania, even though Jews are almost absent in the country. University of Tirana Professor Dr. According to some estimates, more than 1, Albanian families are now able to return to their homes after Israeli support to reconstruct not only apartments but also hospitals and schools hit by the earthquake.

As discussed earlier, the rescue of Jews in Albania during the Nazi occupation is usually explained by the besa cultural code. Another explanation, put forward by the historian Shaban Sinani, holds that other principles, such as solidarity and looking out for others — which are even more important in times of war — should be considered. Professor Ferit Duka argues that this tolerance dates to late antiquity 5th—6th century , when a chapel in the city of Saranda then known as Onhezmi , was used as both a synagogue and a church.

However, recent phenomena, such as radical and fundamentalist religious groups and extreme-right ideologies, risk jeopardizing this tradition. After the fall of the Communist regime, Albania reinstated freedom of religion, which the Communist government had banned by law in Since then, Albania has seen a resurgence of religions, including the formation of some radical groups.

This poses a risk of importing antisemitism from abroad, even though it is not historically or culturally part of Albania. Although studies show that there are few organizations with extreme-right ideologies and programs in Albania, there are individuals who sympathize with far-right ideologies.

Certain groups, political actors, and subcultures endorse at least part of such doctrines. While there are hardly any organizations with fascist or Nazi heritage or ideological ties currently present in Albania, scholars argue that the general rise of the far-right in Europe, the increase of populism and populist contenders in Albania, immigration from Syria and other conflict areas, the difficult economic situation, and the ongoing political crisis could lead to the emergence of extreme-right groups.

Article of the criminal code concerns the promotion of hatred or strife. The LPD has a similar provision regarding protection from discrimination on the grounds of religious beliefs. Politicians in Albania produce and spread most of the hate speech in the media, though journalists, media commentators, and opinion makers are also to blame. A wave of Islamophobic sentiments and narratives has been observed in Albania, with hate-speech posts on social media and public television debates.

However, public condemnation of hate speech by high-ranking political or other public figures is rare. Usually, it is civil society and academics who react to, or counter cases of hate speech. In Albania, public prosecutors are responsible for collecting data on hate crimes.

Legislation refers to race, among other things, as grounds for protection against unlawful discrimination. As Jews are not recognized as a national minority in Albania, there is no particular reference to antisemitism in legislation.

There is also a gap regarding the specific protection of witnesses and victims of hate crimes and antisemitism. However, enforcement of human-rights protection mechanisms needs to be strengthened, including the roles of the police and the judicial system. International donors have lately begun working with the police and other law enforcement to develop their capacities in identifying hate crimes.

High expectations are placed on the large-scale remolding of the judiciary system. With official delegations from OSCE participating states, representatives of international organizations, and civil society members, this was the first event of its kind hosted by Albania. The prime minister issued a call to the participating countries to act together with civil society to face the challenges of antisemitism in the OSCE region.

Albania has been an observer member of IHRA since and organizes an annual commemoration of International Holocaust Remembrance Day with its support. The Council of Europe supports the authorities, educational institutions, and civil society in Albania to run awareness-raising campaigns and other educational activities in solidarity with Jewish people and speak up against antisemitic hate speech. Staffing levels at the CPD, as well as in regional offices, have been increased for monitoring and reporting.

Over the years, the CPD has compiled examples of best practices dealing with hate speech on ethnicity, language, sexual orientation, and gender identity, under the prohibition of harassment as a form of discrimination. Researchers worked with relevant media pieces. The rest of the relevant media pieces contributed to general discussion and news coverage related to the Jewish community worldwide. The types of antisemitism that appeared most frequently were rhetoric, conspiracy, and violence. However, the most frequent relevant mentions in the monitored media articles focused on descriptions of the good relations between Albania and Israel 55 tags , COVID in Israel 38 tags , memorialization 14 tags , Holocaust remembrance 13 tags , and the recognition of Kosovo by Israel 10 tags.

Antisemitic statements were rarely present, though some traces of antisemitism rhetoric could be observed in relation to conspiracy theories regarding George Soros and Jewish people controlling the world order and economy. Coverage of antisemitism was focused mainly on Albania. Some online media referred to antisemitism abroad, but this was rare. Most media discussed antisemitism only in relation to Holocaust remembrance.

These theories are primarily created in social and online media, such as private and fringe news portals, and subsequently picked up by other media. The conspiracy narrative targeting George Soros and his actual or assumed impact on Albanian politics is tied to a larger narrative focusing on foreign actors controlling political decision-making in the country, which is used in political clashes between opposing political actors. The name Soros crops up frequently in attacks against independent NGOs, journalists, and government critics, and is connected with alleged plans to bring down governments and destabilize countries.

This activity elicited some harsh judgments, particularly by the former leader of the Democratic Party of Albania. It was a marvel of damage to the role and mission of civil society. A second narrative concerned the good relations between Israel and Albania evidenced, for example, by an interview with the Albanian ambassador in Israel.

Albanian online media widely covered this political event. The tone of the articles was neutral and simply reported the events. The fourth time peak — February — mainly covered an international donor conference convened in support of Albania in the wake of the devastating November earthquake. The media that produced the biggest number of such articles were Shqiptarja. The media that produced articles containing antisemitic content were the Facebook page of the Anti-Soros Movement Albania, established in , which claims that Soros is organizing a plot to destroy and depopulate Albania.

Other producers of antisemitic content were lawyer Altin Goxhaj through his official public-figure account on Facebook , the online news portal gazetatema. It is not possible to identify a strategy through which various audiences are targeted with antisemitic narratives. Media Monitoring Conclusions Based on this media monitoring, antisemitism is only vaguely present in Albanian media.

The current opposition, centering around the Democratic Party of Albania, reinforces this narrative of George Soros controlling judicial reform in Albania and the financing and support of exclusively left-wing parties, organizations, and movements. The Anti-Soros Movement further spreads the narrative mentioned above.

The consequences of anti-Soros rhetoric relate not so much to hate speech but to spreading conspiracy theories and disinformation. To date, there is no evidence of this impacting or increasing ethnic tension or nationalism with respect to the Jewish population. The prevailing narrative is that of Jewish-Albanian friendship, working together during the Nazi occupation, and good relations between Israel and Albania.

As noted, for reasons that have been pointed out by historians and sociologists, antisemitism has historically failed to take root among Albanians. Still, today, as a result of globalization and cultural and religious pathologies, a spread of antisemitic attitudes is observed among extremist Islamic groups and circles and some informal social groups and organizations with extreme-right ideologies.

Antisemitism may not have cultural roots, but that does not make Albanians immune to it. In addition to the contextual reasons and events that led to increased coverage of Jews and Israel in the Albanian media during this monitoring, other reasons might be identified. For instance, the prevailing media narrative of good relations between Albania and Israel during this monitoring can be linked to the Albanian chairmanship of the OSCE for With corruption and organized crime still major issues, an ongoing political crisis and high levels of political polarization, it would appear that one of the few things Albania can show is its history of inter-religious tolerance and lack of antisemitism.

The rescue narrative, in which Albanians rescued Jews, highlights an episode of Albanian magnanimity. It shows that Albanians honor their promises and intend to do so when completing E. This was borne out by the media monitoring that showed antisemitism is only remotely and vaguely present in Albanian media. Albanian media did not generally promote antisemitic speech, but reported on events related to antisemitism, Jews, Israel, and the Middle East.

Antisemitic narratives did not promote the objectives of a foreign state or non-state actors. Antisemitic narratives were most commonly manifested in the online milieu, such as Facebook and news portals. However, this monitoring did not show that these antisemitic narratives are directly communicated towards Jews or the state of Israel in general. Albania needs to ensure that it properly investigates, prosecutes, and punishes hate crimes.

Even misdemeanors must be addressed, because these are often the best opportunities for early intervention. Albania should improve data collection for its crime statistics and make timely reports to the OSCE hate crime database. It should also train criminal justice officials to implement laws and practices regarding hate speech and be vigilant regarding the signs of imported extremism.

These steps should be repeated continuously, as government officials and police officers move on and new cohorts continuously enter the system. A wide spectrum of stakeholders needs to confront and condemn hate speech, particularly on social media, and be vigilant in countering antisemitic speech with alternative narratives.

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Odds of celtics winning championship Thaci was invited to attend a meeting of the Western Balkan leaders within the EBRD summit to discuss the investing cooperation and the key challenges in the region but gave up on the participation a day before the meeting. The hrt were comprised of online media that are based in, or have a significant readership in, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Kosovo, hrt svijet profitable investing Albania. For the Jewish community, these laws, followed by systematic persecutions and extermination, marked the beginning of the Holocaust. A total of feature film applications were processed, were backed and 27 projects were given production support. The press pool travelling with Pompeo has not been told where they are going next, and have been warned they may not be able to report from the country they are going svijet until after they leave.
Hrt svijet profitable investing Tags, defined by the researchers, were added to the articles to facilitate recording various findings on harvested data. The second category of results contains antisemitic statements themselves. Although instances of antisemitic speech in online media did not exceed 4 percent of examined content, the research indicated several threats that might affect the increase of antisemitism, as well as susceptibility to other forms of extremism. The government passed decrees about internment and prohibited the movement of refugees. The persistence of turbulent politics in the Middle East, especially the conflict with Palestinians, served as a pretext to present the state of Israel, and Jews in general, together with allies primarily the United States as being directly responsible for or sanctioning violent, racist, fascist and even genocidal politics against Palestinians the AS-Israel tag was used 97 hrt svijet profitable investing, mainly in under-article discussions and Facebook posts, as exemplified below. However, discourse on antisemitism has been appropriated within the current ethno-national narratives of Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats living in BiH.
Hrt svijet profitable investing The research was also intended to assess the risks of antisemitism and provide hrt svijet profitable investing to combat it. The film didn't make it into the nominations' list and with the outbreak of the Coronavirus pandemic the Hungarian film industry faced serious challenges. UIP Duna Film released nine films, four of which entered the top ten. INST-Property: There are two main categories: First, any case in which an antisemitic slogan or symbol is used to damage and vandalize institutional property, regardless of whether the property concerned is affiliated with a Jewish community or is a Jewish institution. Articles that mentioned or discussed antisemitism in the monitored online media were usually short reports, many taken from foreign sources, private agencies, or other media.
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Free betting systems for football Tags Share: Source: Reuters Measles outbreaks will continue to spread in Europe without a robust response, the World Health Organization WHO warned as it urged countries in the region to vaccinate vulnerable populations. Half Hrt svijet profitable investing Home tells the story of two lovers who get stuck between life and death. A second narrative concerned the good relations between Israel and Albania evidenced, for example, by an interview with the Albanian ambassador in Israel. The renewed Jewish community in Zagreb was joined profitable hrt investing svijet many other municipalities in establishing the Coordination of Jewish Municipalities of Croatia inwith Ognjen Kraus as its president. The Jews who lived in the territories comprising present day Albania, Kosovo and Northern Macedonia spoke almost exclusively Ladino and gravitated, both culturally and economically, to by then Greek Thessaloniki. By the summer ofno Jews remained alive in Serbia, unless they had joined the Partisans https://play1.sportsplay1xbet.website/raspberry-pi-mining-bitcoins-for-beginners/2485-ethereum-low-difficulty.php were in hiding.
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